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Virtually Every Former U.S. Ambassador to Israel Differs with Trump’s Jerusalem Decision

All but two of 11 former United States ambassadors to Israel approach by The New York Times after President Trump’s decision to make Jerusalem as Israel’s capital thought the plan was opposed, dangerous or surely flawed.

The 11 ex-envoys all closely followed Mr. Trump’s advertisement on Wednesday, in which he also set in motion a plan to move the American Embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv. Even those who allowed that Mr. Trump was recognizing the truth on the ground disagreed with his path — creating a major diplomatic permit without any obvious gain in return.

One of the exceptions was Ogden R. Reid, a former congressman who was the ambassador from 1959 to 1961, at the end of the Eisenhower administration. “I think it’s the correct decision,” he said. “Not a lot more to say.”

The other exception was Edward S. Walker Jr., who was ambassador from 1997 to 1999, under President Bill Clinton. “I think it’s about time,” he said. “We’ve been remiss in not recognizing realities as they are. We all know Israel has a capital, it’s called Jerusalem, and over my 35 years of service in the Middle East no one ever questioned that.”

What about the escape from United States policy since 1948 — that the final status of Jerusalem is a matter for agreement between the Israelis and Palestinians — and the judgments from the international community?

“It’s really a quarry of what are the lines, the borders, to be drawn around the state of Israel and the eventual state of Palestine,” Mr. Walker said. “Nothing in what the president has said precludes the negotiation of a settlement of this problem.”

That was not the current view. More typical was the perspective of Daniel C. Kurtzer, who was the ambassador from 2001 to 2005, under President George W. Bush.

“There are many drawbacks, both diplomatically and in terms of the Middle East peace progress, and no upside,” Mr. Kurtzer said. “We are isolated internationally once again — except for the Israeli government, which supports this — and we are taking ourselves out of the role the president says he needs to play as a peace broker.”

What of the debate that the peace procedure, with the goal of a two-state political solution, was passive, and wanted to be shaken up?

“The fact that the procedure is moribund calls for a much more comic role,” he said. “It doesn’t call for the U.S. to lean over and support the position of one party and offer nothing to the other party.”

Richard H. Jones, who was ambassador from 2005 to 2009, also under Mr. Bush, warned that groups like Hamas and the Islamic State would deed the problem to agitate violence, and envision that the Palestinian Authority would step up international attempts to boycott and condemn Israel.

“This is a risky move, which no doubt will cost lives in Israel and the region, principally as Israeli settlers use it to defend accelerating their activity further,” he said in an email.

Several of the ambassadors were open to recognizing West Jerusalem as Israel’s capital. But they said that should happen as component of a broader strategy that would also needs the Israelis to halt or slow settlement construction and that would recognize East Jerusalem as the capital of a future Palestinian state.

Martin S. Indyk, who served as ambassador twice, both times during Bill Clinton’s presidency, expected just such a deal in an Op-Ed essay in The New York Times this year, weeks before Mr. Trump was sworn in.

“Not unusually, President Trump didn’t follow my instruction to couple his move on Jerusalem with a diplomatic initiative,” Mr. Indyk said on Thursday. “Instead, he tried to limit the harm by avoiding any geographic definition of the capital that he is officially recognizing. Unfortunately, that gradation will be lost on all sides.”

William Andreas Brown, who was the ambassador from 1988 to 1992, and returned to the United States Embassy in Israel as chief of mission early in the Clinton administration, recalled that he once wrote a memo to the first President George Bush urging that the embassy be moved to Jerusalem.

“My motivation was to motivate Israel’s participation in the Madrid peace talks,” he said, referring to diplomacies in 1991 that assisted give momentum to what later became the Oslo procedure. He recalled that there was important resistance to the offer in the Bush administration, and that the idea was dropped.

“If he was going to make this notice, it ought to be very, very carefully arrange so as to minimize a blowup,” he said, creating clear he did not think Mr. Trump had benefit.

William Caldwell Harrop, who was the ambassador from 1992 to 1993, called Mr. Trump’s decision “slightly reckless” and even “kind of a masochistic move” that might “blunt his own, repeatedly discussed, ‘big deal’ of carrying peace to the Israelis and Palestinians.”

Having decided to make his notice, Mr. Trump could have been accurate that he would place the embassy in West Jerusalem, Mr. Harrop said.

“One has to be pessimistic,” he said after listening to Mr. Trump’s speech. “We’ll get, before long, more attempts by Palestinians to build up international recognition of the state of Palestine. Some form of intifada is very likely, and there will be more bloodshed.”

Edward P. Djerejian, who was the ambassador from 1993 to 1994, in the optimistic aftermath of the Oslo peace accords, also found Mr. Trump’s creation to thread the needle unsatisfying.

Mr. Trump portrayed his decision more as recognition of on-the-ground reality than as a sharp change in policy; assert that “the specific boundaries” of Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem had yet to be settled.

But Mr. Djerejian, who was a White House agent during the Reagan presidency, said there was “an inherent contradiction” in recognizing Jerusalem without saying what, correctly, comprises Jerusalem. “The timing and substance of this new position serves to distract rather than clarify,” he said.

James B. Cunningham, who was ambassador under President George W. Bush and President Barack Obama, called Mr. Trump’s decision “a beautiful serious mistake,” and said that moving the embassy would have made sense only as “component of a strategy, not easily to demonstrate that you’re trying to do something different.”

He added, “It doesn’t make Israel safer, the United States safer, or the region more stable.”

The most recent former ambassador, Daniel B. Shapiro, who served under Mr. Obama, was caring to Mr. Trump’s goal, if not the execution.

“Jerusalem is Israel’s capital, and it’s applicable that we recognize it as such,” he said in a phone interview. “In that sense, the president’s recognition of reality is fine.”

He continued: “The missed opportunity here, though, is the failure to frame this decision in the context of achieving our broader critical objective, which is a two-state solution. That would have needed better prior consultation with Arab states. That would have needed more clarity for what the Palestinians could expect as part of their aspirations for Jerusalem.”

He said the decision might undermine the peace procedure that Mr. Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and special representative, Jason Greenblatt, have been working on.

Most of the former ambassadors were afraid to ascribe motivations to Mr. Trump, though several said the move would help his support among hard-line supporters of Israel in the United States and among some pious Christians.

However, Thomas R. Pickering, who was ambassador to Israel during the Reagan administration, called it “a serious foreign policy fault” and an attempt either at “ego satisfaction” or an effort to alter attention from a special counsel’s investigation into the Trump campaign’s ties with Russia.

In an interview, Mr. Pickering compared Mr. Trump’s move to the film “Wag the Dog,” in which a president fabricates a war to amuse attention from a sex scandal.

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